In just under two weeks, Germany will take over the Presidency of the Council of the European Union for six months. As the Presidency, the Federal Republic will lay down guidelines for action and represent the Council vis-à-vis other EU institutions, third countries and international organizations. This will also play a decisive role for future migration policy. Accordingly, the focus will be above all on the future reception and distribution of refugees within the EU.
I. Little progress towards a comprehensive reform of asylum legislation
Die Reform des europäischen Asylrechts ist seit mehreren Jahren nur schleichend vorangekommen. Ursula von der Leyen – derzeitige Kommissionschefin – hat zu Beginn ihrer Amtszeit umfassende Neuerungen des „Gemeinsamen Europäischen Asylsystems“ (GEAS) in Aussicht gestellt. Wegen der Corona-Pandemie ist es jedoch zu Verzögerungen gekommen.
Mitte April haben dann die Innenminister Deutschlands, Frankreichs, Spaniens und Italiens einen Kompromiss zu den umstrittenen Fragestellungen vorgeschlagen: In einem Papier an die Kommission fordern die Staaten einen verbindlichen Mechanismus für die faire Verteilung von Geflüchteten nach bestimmten Kriterien. Die angestrebte europäische Asylreform müsse das „Prinzip der Solidarität und der geteilten Verantwortung“ widerspiegeln. In Ausnahmefällen sollen die Mitgliedsstaaten jedoch „auf andere Solidaritätsmaßnahmen als die Verteilung zurückgreifen“ können. Genannt wird etwa eine finanzielle Unterstützung bei der Versorgung von Asylbewerbern. Dieser Kompromiss richtet sich in erster Linie an Mitgliedsstaaten wie Polen oder Ungarn, die derzeit die Aufnahme von Geflüchteten ablehnen.
II. So far no binding allocation key
According to the Dublin Convention, which is still in force, the country in which asylum seekers first enter European territory is normally responsible for the asylum application. The original purpose of this regulation was to ensure that asylum applications are only made in one member state and that no country is responsible for the asylum procedure and that asylum seekers are not "moved on" between states ("no refugees in orbit"). Another consequence of this regulation, however, is that Mediterranean states such as Greece, Spain and Italy are particularly burdened, and in recent years they have repeatedly demanded more solidarity from other member states.
An EU-wide distribution key could have remedied this situation and has been on the table since 2012, but has repeatedly failed to gain the approval of the Council despite corresponding proposals by Parliament and the Commission. Thus, the "right of self-entry", which is also provided for in the Dublin Regulation, remains, allowing EU states on a voluntary basis to deal with asylum applications for which they would not actually be responsible. The GEAS of the future is thus probably still hanging in the air.
III. preliminary checks at the external borders
There is not much movement on other decisions either, such as the discussion on accelerated examination of asylum applications. A concept presented by Federal Interior Minister Horst Seehofer (CSU), for example, provides for initial assessments at the EU's external border, whereby "persons who are obviously not in need of protection" are to be sent back to their countries of origin directly at the external border (initial assessment). With regard to legal protection aspects, however, this proposal is viewed critically from some quarters. A Europeanisation of the asylum procedure and the associated greater legal standardisation and legal security would certainly be an alternative and appropriate approach to speeding up the procedure. A glance at Greece alone shows how urgently this is needed: there are still more than a hundred thousand people seeking protection, some of whom are stuck in camps that are completely overcrowded and poorly equipped. Their asylum procedures often take over a year.